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I dropped out of high school and hitchhiked west through the giant bones of the Rocky Mountains, the bleeding deserts of Arizona and the ectodermic forests of California to those clouds of medieval radiance which is San Francisco Chicago is the lever which stands San Francisco on its head; it is the dialectical hammer and veritable pulse of all the American dreams. The latitude, longitude and temperature of this emotional, temporal and geographical chaos lead one to the conclusion that, as far as the human imagination is concerned, here and now, it is a question of the Fox Indians, Albert Parsons, Nelson Algren, J.

Hutto and his Hawks and the surrealists a signal enumeration! Urbanism is a problem for poetry and for revolution which sociology only conceals. I studied anthropology for two years and went to Mexico in , wandering through the streets of Tenochtitlan for personal illumination. If I believed in reincarnation, in former lives I would have been an Alaskan timber wolf at least once, certainly a Hopi Indian, and perhaps a comrade of Florian Geyer and the Black Troop in the 16 th century Peasant Wars.

My poems and drawings erupt and flow automatically from my own psycho-physical and biomythological totality, and are offered for consideration as modest presentations of the true, delirious, electromagnetic river of surreality. I live with my woman, Penelope, in the Lincoln Park area of Chicago, a few blocks from the zoo, where several times a week though less in the winter we visit the African porcupines, the timber wolves, the nilgai, the gazelles, the secretary bird, the penguins, the elephants, the bushbabies, the giraffes and the Giant Anteaters.

The revolution will liberate these beasts who will collaborate in the reintegration of the waking dream-life of man. In December we went to Paris to meet with Andre Breton and the comrades of the surrealist group.

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In poetry as in life I am for freedom and against slavery: for the Indians against the European invaders and the American exploiters; for the black insurrections against the white power structure; for guerrillas against colonial administrators and imperialist armies; for youth against cops, curfews, school and conscription; for wildcat strikers against bosses and union bureaucrats; for poetry against literature, philosophy and religion; for mad love against civilized repression and bourgeois marriage; and for the surrealist revolution against complacency, hypocrisy, cowardice, stupidity, exploitation oppression.

Toggle navigation. Close Table of Contents. Title: Autobiographical Kaleidoscope.

The Modest Woman 2010-2011 Winter Edition

Author: Franklin Rosemont. In , fertility rates of these two age groups were similar, with Since then, the gap has widened such that the fertility rate of to year-old women exceeded that of women aged 15 to 19 years starting in , a first in the history of Canadian fertility. The fertility rate was at Since , the fertility rate for women aged 30 to 34 has surpassed that of women aged 25 to The gap between these two age groups progressively widened during the to period, mostly as a result of the decreased fertility rate among women aged 25 to 29 since the rates among women aged 30 to 34 have stabilized since The fertility rate for women in their early thirties was For the first time in , the age-specific fertility rate for women aged 35 to 39 By , this gap had widened to In Ontario, which has the highest number of births, the fertility rate of women aged 30 to 34 has been higher than the rate for women aged 25 to 29 years since This did not occur in Quebec until The most recent fertility rate of women in their thirties in Ontario was actually very close to that of women in Quebec, although the increase in recent years has been more modest for women in Ontario.

However, there was a much greater difference between these two provinces in the fertility rate of women in their twenties. The fertility rate of women aged 25 to 29 in Ontario was It was considerably higher for women in the same age group in Quebec, at The fertility rate was also slightly higher for women in their early twenties in Quebec In British Columbia, fertility rates variations have been similar to those in Ontario in the last 40 years.

In addition to having fewer births overall, fertility rates by age group in British Columbia were generally lower than those in Ontario. Overall, a large part of the difference in fertility levels between the provinces and territories between and was due to the fertility of women in their twenties. Alberta also registered a decline in the fertility rate of women in their twenties in the late s, leading to a decrease in the total fertility rate for the province from 1.

Note 19 Since , the average age of mothers at childbirth has been over 30 years, edging up to Moreover, fathers are generally older than mothers; for example, the average age of fathers at childbirth was Similarly, the average age at first birth 1st order has been increasing since the late s, reaching The average age of fathers at the birth of their first child 1st order was The lowest average age of mothers at birth was in Nunavut There was also variation in the average age of mothers at first birth across the provinces and territories.

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The lowest average age of mothers at first birth was in Nunavut While the total fertility rate is a common indicator for analyzing fertility trends because it is simple to calculate and it can summarize trends for a given calendar year, the completed fertility rate is a better indicator for understanding the changes in the fertility behaviours of different cohorts of women. The completed fertility rate is a longitudinal indicator that refers to the actual fertility experiences of cohorts of women once they have completed their reproductive life.

The disadvantage of this indicator is that it is necessary to wait until the end of the reproductive life of the cohort of women to obtain all the data required for its calculation for a given cohort.

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It is also possible to estimate the completed fertility rate of the birth cohort, who were 41 years of age in , since this generation is reaching the end of the reproductive ages and fertility rates after age 41 are quite low. The age pattern of fertility among younger generations of women has changed compared with that of previous generations of women: the peak of the curve is lower than before, and appears later in reproductive life than in the past.

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This reflects both lower fertility as well as the older age at childbirth. The first baby-boom cohort, that is, women born in , is often used as a reference group, given that it was the last cohort to have reached cohort fertility above the replacement level. In contrast, the fertility for the cohort born in peaked at a higher age 29 years , with approximately Even though younger cohorts have higher fertility rates in their thirties, their general fertility remains below older cohorts because they cannot catch up for the lower fertility rates observed in their twenties.

The completed fertility rate of the cohort of women born in in Canada was 1. This rate is similar to the cohorts born in the mids, but much lower than its peak of 3.

Based on data from the General Social Survey on Families, the biological childlessness has been steady between and Women who have not had a biological child might create families by other means, such as adoption, step-parenthood or surrogacy. According to a special compilation of data from the General Social Survey on the Family, Note 20 adults aged 20 to 39 years may choose to not have children for many possible reasons. The intention to never have children was higher among single individuals compared with those who were married or in a common-law relationship.

The proportion was also higher among men, among those with no religious affiliation, and among those born in Canada.

Financial reasons, not having a spouse or partner, and reasons related to work or health are among other answers supporting their intention to not have children. The vast majority of births in were single births Note 22 These proportions have been quite stable since , but are higher than those observed in This increase is seen across all age groups of mothers. For example, among women aged 25 to 29 years, 2. The older the age group, the bigger the difference, meaning that multiple births increased more among older women.

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For example, 4. These proportions were 5. Older motherhood is evident not only in the variations of the age distribution of mothers who had single births, but also for multiple births. In contrast, among the women who had twins, the proportion of those in their late twenties fell from The trends for triplets or more were similar.

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A number of factors could contribute to the increase in multiple births among women 30 years or older, including postponing motherhood to a later age and increased use of fertility treatments, which increase the overall likelihood of multiple births. Canada owes the success of its statistical system to a long-standing partnership between Statistics Canada, the citizens of Canada, its businesses, governments and other institutions.

Accurate and timely statistical information could not be produced without their continued co-operation and goodwill. Statistics Canada is committed to serving its clients in a prompt, reliable and courteous manner.

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To this end, the Agency has developed standards of service which its employees observe in serving its clients. All rights reserved. Release date: June 5, More information PDF version. In Canada, there were , births in Births have been fluctuating between , and , per year since The gap between the fertility rate of women aged 30 to 34 years and those aged 25 to 29 years continued to widen between and , a result of decreasing fertility rates among women aged 25 to It has been higher than the fertility rate of women aged 20 to 24 years since , which has been falling. For all births, the average age of mothers at childbirth has been over the age of 30 since The average age of mothers at first birth was It has been rising steadily since the mids.

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